Originally posted on Th!nk About It.
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Just 22 per cent of Britons intend to vote in the upcoming European Parliamentary elections. Thirty per cent say they are already certain that they won’t cast their vote – and that is according to a survey conducted by the European Commission itself.
The perception of many Europhiles is that the reason for this opposition (or utter ambivalence) is the British media; generally branded as irredeemably hostile to the European Union – and castigated for warping the nation’s attitudes towards it.

- Photo: Dunechaser/flickr
And with notorious front pages like ‘Up Yours Delors’; a keen preoccupation with stories of the ‘bendy bananas’ ilk; and an attitude towards our continental neighbours that Roy Greenslade summarises (presumably using the words of the Queen Mother) as “huns, wops and dagos”, it is little wonder that the British press is apportioned the bulk of the blame.
Nevertheless, Robert Oulds, director of Euro-sceptic think tank the Bruges Group, is unequivocal that the media should shoulder no culpability for Britain’s Euroscepticism.
“The British public are far more Eurosceptic than the press and the BBC has been found to be Europhile,” he tells me. “Therefore, British opinion is ahead of the media, not following it.”
“Furthermore, in many other European countries such as Ireland, France and the Netherlands – where the Lisbon Treaty/EU Constitution was rejected – the media was overwhelmingly in favour of more EU centralisation; yet the public said no.”
However, the best evidence to show that the media is not the main culprit comes not from polls surrounding the current controversy over the Lisbon Treaty, but from the months and years that ran up to Britain’s 1973 entry and subsequent referendum. Despite much of the press being wholly supportive of European integration, the public’s ambivalence can be seen to have gone right back to the advent of the European project.
Greenslade points out that
“it was clear by 1971 that most newspapers … were enthusiastic about Britain becoming a member of the European Economic Community.” In spite of this, “throughout 1971, opinion polls showed the public was hostile. One Harris poll in May showed a 62-20 majority against entry.”
Bruno Waterfield, the Daily Telegraph’s Brussels correspondent cites this historical evidence in his argument that “it is not sufficiently honest” to simply blame the press for what he argues is a more endemic British mistrust of European political and economic union. “I don’t think the messenger should be shot,” he tells me in an interview.
“There has long been a mistrust of established political state forms in Britain and that is particularly deep when it comes to the EU” which he describes as “not particularly open”, “secretive”, and “bureaucratic in the true sense of the word in that it deals with technical regulations like the shape of cucumbers … which means that there is often a gap between what it is doing and public opinion, to put it mildly.”
“I don’t actually think British newspapers are really as Eurosceptic as they’re made out to be,” he says. “For example, British newspapers are very hostile to the activities of MPs, particularly when it comes to their expenses, but you wouldn’t then go and say they’re anti-Parliament.”
He does, however, feel that more newspapers should have full-time Brussels correspondents. It is a point on which he is in complete harmony with the BBC’s Europe editor, Mark Mardell.

Interestingly, Mardell’s current job was only created as a result of some characteristic BBC soul-searching.
A review conducted by Lord Wilson identified five main problems with the BBC’s EU coverage: “institutional mindset”, “over-simplified polarisation of the issues and stereotyping”, “[coverage seen too much through a] Westminster prism”, “ignorance” and “omission”.
Curiously, despite a general opinion that the BBC is too pro-Europe and “Guardianista” in its coverage, the review found that in some areas it could be seen as too Euro-sceptic.
However, as Mardell tells me, although “it is certainly true that in Britain we have the most hostile press towards the European Union within the EU” it is also the case that “on most measures [we have] the most hostile population towards the EU. But our job at the BBC is to remain rigorously and strictly neutral.”
He cites a major problem as the expectation by some that the BBC should thrash out the “in/out” debate in every EU story.
“You know, I find when I write an article explaining foreign affairs policy in I hope fairly neutral terms – reporting it like you’d report any other story – people think that is dodging the issue, because to them, the main issue is it shouldn’t exist or we shouldn’t be in it. Now you can’t do that with every story.
I agree that ‘should we be in it/ should it exist?’ is a big part of the overall EU story and I absolutely think we shouldn’t ignore that. I’m more criticised by people in Brussels for paying too much attention to UKIP than I ever am for ignoring them, which I don’t do. But, you can’t do every single story from the angle of in or out. It would be like doing every story from Westminster and saying ‘And the SNP don’t think there should be a British Parliament.’”
When the press is dismissed as the major factor behind British hostility to the EU, there is no shortage of other possible explanations to fill the breach. Even communication staff within the European Parliament point to numerous reasons why apathy abounds.
One explains that “the EU does not deal with the major issues in national politics” such as the distribution of income, taxes, benefits, healthcare etc. adding that:
“National politicians can be somewhat parochial by concentrating solely on what is happening in the square kilometre or so that is their capital. To them – and the media – it is more important if a minister has literally stumbled on some steps than if a decision has been taken to hold illegal immigrants for a maximum of six months in a detention centre.
“While governments are quite happy to take the credit for European policy measures that find favour with the public [they] point the finger at Brussels when a measure is unpopular.”
Former Europe minister, Denis MacShane, also partly exonerates the press. In a speech, he lamented the public’s disinterest in utilising “the huge amounts of information available in libraries and on the internet, telling you about what Europe can do for you. The ‘no-one tells me the facts’ argument doesn’t wash anymore.”
The problem for both politicians and journalists – trying to “sell” the EU in their respective ways – is that they can try to take the British public to water – but they can’t make them drink.
Because the EU’s trouble is not the press, but its remoteness, opaqueness and slow-burn policy procedures, all combined with a distinctly British mentality and natural cynicism towards external political power-bases. It is clear that while you can shoot the messenger, it won’t resolve those root problems.
All of these factors – regardless of the press – conspire to create the conditions that mean that (as Mardell asserts) “more than anything else, most people [in Britain] simply see the EU as an irrelevance.”